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<event>
  <desc>A jelenlegi helyzetre els&#337;sorban az jellemz&#337;, hogy a k&#252;l&#246;nb&#246;z&#337; ir&#225;nyzatok, melyek egym&#225;st&#243;l elk&#252;l&#246;n&#252;lve aj&#225;nlottak eddig a t&#225;rsadalomnak fejl&#337;d&#233;si modelleket, ma egym&#225;st&#243;l &#225;tvett &#233;rt&#233;keket &#233;s modelleket propag&#225;lnak, &#237;gy a v&#225;laszt&#243;k sz&#225;m&#225;ra komoly probl&#233;ma megk&#252;l&#246;nb&#246;ztetni &#337;ket.

P&#233;ldak&#233;nt &#233;pp a liberalizmust hozt&#225;k fel t&#246;bben, mely a 19. sz&#225;zad elej&#233;n m&#233;g azt az egyenl&#337;s&#233;get tartotta els&#337;dleges &#233;rt&#233;knek, melyet azt&#225;n t&#337;le a szocialista ir&#225;nyzat meg&#246;r&#246;k&#246;lt. Csak ezt k&#246;vet&#337;en v&#225;lt a liberalizmus alap&#233;rt&#233;k&#233;v&#233; a szabads&#225;g.

&#193;ltal&#225;nos volt az a n&#233;zet, hogy term&#233;szetes folyamattal &#225;llunk szemben, &#233;s ha a t&#225;rsadalmaknak nem kell s&#250;lyosabb v&#225;ls&#225;gokkal szembes&#252;lni&#252;k, akkor ez semmilyen kih&#237;v&#225;st sem jelent. Mindazon&#225;ltal fontos az ideol&#243;gi&#225;k &#225;lland&#243; elemz&#233;se &#233;s nem csak a vezet&#337; &#233;rtelmis&#233;giek k&#246;r&#233;ben, hanem azon a szinten is, melyben a k&#246;zember mozog. Ugyanakkor, ha s&#250;lyosabb v&#225;ls&#225;g t&#246;rne ki e t&#225;rsadalmakban, akkor a demokratikus alapideol&#243;gi&#225;k &#8211; &#233;pp a benn&#252;k mutatkoz&#243; kereszthat&#225;s &#233;s cs&#246;kkent identit&#225;s miatt &#8211; m&#225;r nem el&#233;g&#237;ten&#233;k ki a t&#246;megek ig&#233;nyeit. Egy ilyen helyzetben azok k&#233;szs&#233;ggel forduln&#225;nak a sz&#233;ls&#337;s&#233;ges k&#237;n&#225;latok fel&#233;. Ez t&#246;rt&#233;nt Weimarban a 20. sz&#225;zad elej&#233;n.

Hasonl&#243; a helyzet az &#250;gynevezett &#8222;harmadik vil&#225;gban&#8221;, mely sorozatos v&#225;ls&#225;gait &#233;li meg. K&#252;l&#246;n&#246;sen a Bernard Lewis &#225;ltal le&#237;rt iszl&#225;m v&#225;ls&#225;gz&#243;n&#225;ban &#233;pp ez a folyamat akad&#225;lyozza a demokr&#225;cia exportj&#225;t, illetve ad es&#233;lyt a sz&#233;ls&#337;s&#233;ges, nacionalista-iszlamista eszm&#233;knek.

N&#233;h&#225;nyan ugyanakkor kiemelt&#233;k, nem kell a K&#246;zel-Keletig menni, elv&#233;gre Kelet-Eur&#243;pa t&#225;rsadalmaiban ugyanez a jelens&#233;g j&#225;tsz&#243;dik le. A sz&#233;ls&#337;s&#233;ges p&#225;rtok minden&#252;tt meger&#337;s&#246;dtek, a nagy p&#225;rtok ideol&#243;giai mun&#237;ci&#243;ja pedig kimer&#252;lt. Elt&#369;n&#337;ben vannak a liber&#225;lis p&#225;rtok, de a szoci&#225;ldemokr&#225;ci&#225;val is s&#250;lyos bajok vannak (Lengyelorsz&#225;gban megsz&#369;nt, Magyarorsz&#225;gon befoly&#225;sa minim&#225;liss&#225; v&#225;lt.). A jobboldal pedig arra k&#233;nyszer&#252;l, hogy egyre agressz&#237;vebb jelszavakat hirdessen. Csak id&#337; k&#233;rd&#233;se, hogy megjelenjen ism&#233;t a baloldali radikalizmus is, a kommunizmus legklasszikusabb form&#225;j&#225;ban.
</desc>
  <desc-eng>The debate organized by the Republikon Institute and the Friedrich Naumann Stiftung on the &#8220;loss of identity&#8221; of political ideologies established: the leading political ideologies, which up to now have proposed differing development models for society, are today borrowing values and models from each other, so that voters face great difficulties in differentiating the parties.

As an example, it was cited liberalism: in the early 19th century, liberals considered equality as their key value. When this was later adopted by the socialists, the liberals gradually refocused on liberty as their defining value.

These developments are entirely natural, and inasmuch as society is not facing any serious crisis, then they do not present a problem. It is necessary that these ideologies remain under continuous scrutiny &#8211; and not just by leading intellectuals, but also at the level of ordinary citizens. However, if these societies undergo serious crisis, then the basic democratic ideologies &#8211; precisely because of their cross-over tenets and blurred identities &#8211; may not be sufficient to meet the needs of the larger population. In such a situation, voters may well turn to the extremist ends of the spectrum, as occurred in the Weimar Republic in the early 20th century.

The same phenomenon is the continuing crises faced by the so-called Third World, where &#8211; particularly in the Islamic crisis zone described by Bernard Lewis &#8211; it is precisely this situation which is preventing the successful export of democracy, and which is giving impetus to extremist, nationalist-Islamicist ideologies.

We need not go as far as the Middle East, because the same situation holds true in East European societies. Extremist parties have gained strength everywhere, while the ideological influence of the mainstream parties has run out. Liberal parties are disappearing, and Social Democracy is in serious trouble (it has disappeared from Poland, while its influence in Hungary has waned to a minimum). The right-wing parties are not moderate in any of these countries: they are resorting to ever more aggressive slogans. It is a matter of time before left-wing radicalism reappears as well, taking the most classic form of Communism.</desc-eng>
  <event-date type="datetime">2009-05-12T16:00:00+02:00</event-date>
  <id type="integer">27</id>
  <lead></lead>
  <lead-eng></lead-eng>
  <title>Baloldali jobboldal, jobboldali baloldal: Ideol&#243;giai profilveszt&#233;s &#8211; eur&#243;pai &#233;rt&#233;kveszt&#233;s</title>
  <title-eng>Left-Leaning Right, Right-Leaning Left:  Ideological Confusion and Fading European values</title-eng>
</event>
